At Mansion House in the City of London, the Foreign Secretary set out a security-first foreign policy for a period described as turbulent and economically consequential. The address framed national security and economic security as mutually reinforcing priorities, with a commitment to more deliberate diplomacy and strengthened domestic resilience.
She welcomed confirmation of a ceasefire agreed between the United States, Israel and Iran, linking regional stability to the resumption of commercial shipping and lower pressure on household costs in the UK. The Government, she said, declined to support initial strikes on Iran, opting instead for defensive support to Gulf partners and independent decision-making guided by UK law and interests, with Prime Minister Keir Starmer taking the final call.
Defensive measures included RAF deployments to protect states not party to the conflict and basing support to the United States against Iranian ballistic missile threats. Alongside this, ministers highlighted domestic steps to moderate costs for households through energy bill support and a continued freeze in fuel duty.
Restoring freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz was presented as the immediate priority. The Foreign Secretary cited the scale of disruption-fertiliser to Africa, LNG to Asia and jet fuel worldwide-arguing that an international waterway cannot be closed, tolled or controlled by any single state under the law of the sea. She said 40 nations had been convened to back this position and that talks with the International Maritime Organization focused on moving stranded vessels and assisting some 20,000 seafarers.
Maritime dependence was underlined in domestic terms: around 95 percent of UK trade moves by sea and roughly 40 percent of food is imported. The argument drew on Britain’s long-standing advocacy of free navigation, translated into present-day operational tasks to reopen the Strait fully and unconditionally as part of any longer-term settlement.
The speech warned that a sustainable regional outcome must include Lebanon. The Foreign Secretary criticised the escalation of Israeli airstrikes there and said progress also requires a Gaza ceasefire aligned to a 20‑point plan, action against annexation threats and settler violence in the West Bank, and a credible pathway towards a two‑state solution to underpin security for Israelis and Palestinians.
Iran was described as a continuing threat that must be contained, with an explicit reiteration that Tehran cannot be allowed to develop a nuclear weapon. The Government’s stated aim is to move from open conflict to coordinated containment, including efforts to disrupt rearmament supply chains and constrain proxy activity that threatens UK interests and partners.
The address situated these choices in a pattern of repeated global shocks-COVID-19, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the Iran crisis-arguing that volatility is now a persistent feature. Technological change, concentrated supply chains and economic coercion were cited as risks that require faster policy adaptation in Europe and the UK, alongside an acceptance of greater European responsibility for collective defence.
Looking inward, the Foreign Secretary said previous UK assumptions about a ‘peace dividend’ and stable globalisation left capabilities weakened. She referenced past defence reductions, slower-than-planned energy transition and frayed partnerships, and positioned the current approach as a correction based on resilience and alliance maintenance.
On resourcing, the Government reaffirmed a commitment to spend 5 percent of GDP on national security by 2035. The Foreign Secretary linked this to leadership within NATO, sustained support for Ukraine, protection of Gulf partners under threat and a modernised response to hybrid risks. For departments and industry, this signals a medium-term pipeline for defence procurement, workforce skills and R&D planning.
For shipping, energy and insurance firms, the immediate priority on reopening the Strait of Hormuz points to coordinated operations with the International Maritime Organization to move vessels and support crews. If maintained, a secure corridor would limit costly diversions around the Cape, ease LNG supply constraints and start to normalise freight rates; the Government has explicitly rejected any pay‑to‑transit model.
For defence suppliers and programme leads, the 2035 national security target implies a sustained commissioning pipeline, expanded industrial capacity in shipbuilding, munitions and cyber, and a skills plan to match. Measuring progress will depend on a clear, cross‑government definition of what counts as ‘national security’ spending, potentially spanning defence, intelligence, resilience and critical infrastructure.
Economic security featured alongside trade policy. The Government intends to strengthen domestic capabilities in technology, research and finance, progress a steel strategy that targets at least 50 percent UK‑made steel in domestic use, and secure access to critical minerals. The long‑term energy plan emphasises new nuclear and faster renewables deployment to reduce exposure to chokepoints; renewable generation, the Foreign Secretary noted, cannot be blockaded in a strait.
Values and legal frameworks were presented as practical assets rather than abstractions. The speech announced £15 million in additional humanitarian funding for displaced civilians in Lebanon and referenced UK support for Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. It also restated backing for international law, including the UN Charter, and argued for updating interpretations-such as within the European Convention on Human Rights-to meet contemporary migration pressures while maintaining legal consistency.
Alliances remain the organising principle. The UK will continue to anchor its security in NATO while deepening work with European partners: a bilateral treaty with Germany, closer nuclear security cooperation with France, migration cooperation with Italy, enhanced naval activity with Norway, and a closer relationship with the EU on security, defence and improved trade terms. The transatlantic alliance was described as indispensable, with scope for candid disagreement.
Beyond formal structures, the UK will participate in flexible coalitions where interests align, including the Joint Expeditionary Force, the Calais group on migration, E3/E4 formats with key European partners, the coalition supporting Ukraine, and coordination with the United States and Quad countries on securing a ceasefire in Sudan. The concluding argument was for steady policy, security as the foundation of prosperity, and agile partnerships to manage a more contested era.